On the outskirts of Corbins, a dozen migrants are barely surviving among sheets of metal and plastic. Some have their papers in order. Others are in the process of getting them. But they all share the same roof of misery: a shack. The support service for undocumented people launched by Caritas Diocesana, in collaboration with Corbins town council, has uncovered an uncomfortable reality that the administration prefers to ignore: homelessness is spreading through the towns of Segrià and Noguera, and having legal documentation does not mean having a home.

Shanty settlements in Segrià: beyond Corbins

This is not an isolated phenomenon. According to the report published by Segre, makeshift housing and shack settlements have been identified in at least four municipalities in Segrià and Noguera: Corbins, Torrelameu, Vilanova de la Barca and Alcarràs. In Corbins specifically, there are two distinct settlements: one shanty town, occupied year-round by a dozen migrants, and another area of substandard housing that grows seasonally during the summer months, coinciding with the peak of the fruit harvest.

The influx of migrants spikes precisely during the fruit harvest. Young men, mostly Senegalese and from other sub-Saharan countries, arrive drawn by the promise of temporary employment that, in many cases, does not even cover basic housing needs. The result is predictable: they sleep in the open, in abandoned barns, or in shacks built from construction materials and pruning waste.

In the city of Lleida, the situation is no better. Neighborhoods like Casc Antic and Cappont have several identified homeless settlements. The difference is that, in the urban area, visibility is greater, and so is the pressure on municipal social services. In the towns, however, the problem is hidden: it lies outside the urban center, far from the gaze of residents and, above all, far from the remit of town councils that lack the resources to tackle it.

Samuel’s story: three years in Spain and administrative silence

One of the faces in the report is Samuel, a Senegalese man who has been in Spain for three years. His testimony is heartbreaking for what it reveals about bureaucracy: “I applied for my papers two months ago, but they haven’t replied.” He is not an isolated case. Another Samuel, also Senegalese, shows an expired document – the same paper he had used to work during the previous harvest.

Even when regularization comes, it does not solve the underlying problem. The report’s key phrase sums it up bluntly: “papers, although they help, are not in themselves a guarantee of integration.” In other words, a migrant may have their NIE, their work permit, and their health card, but if they have no rental contract proving a home address, no pay slip showing stable income, no bank guarantee, they will still sleep in a shack.

This point is crucial to understanding the scale of the problem. It is not just about illegal immigration, though that does exist. It is that the Spanish reception system, and particularly the Catalan one, has prioritized administrative regularization over real integration. People are regularized, but they are not offered housing, stable employment, or social support to help them break the cycle of exclusion. The result is a floating, precarious population that lives day to day and, when the harvest season ends, ends up on the streets.

Caritas and social intervention: plugging the state’s gaps

The institutional response, so far, has been inadequate. The support service for undocumented people run by Caritas Diocesana, activated this week in Corbins, is an example of how social organizations are filling the gaps left by the administration. Jordi Verdú, head of Caritas, put it clearly: “We are helping people in an irregular situation, invisible to the system.”

The key word is “invisible.” Because the system does not see them, does not count them, does not serve them. They do not appear on municipal censuses, they have no access to ordinary social services, they cannot register as residents. And without residency registration, there is no access to public healthcare, adult education, or social benefits. They are second-class citizens, trapped in a bureaucratic limbo from which only religious organizations and NGOs can rescue them, and even then only temporarily.

Caritas’ intervention in Corbins is commendable, but it also reveals an uncomfortable truth: without the action of these organizations, the state would leave these people utterly unprotected. The question the regional administration, and particularly the Generalitat’s Department of Social Rights, should be asking is why there is no specific plan for shanty settlements in the Lleida regions, when the phenomenon has been known and recurring for years.

Insecurity and coexistence: a problem that cannot be ignored

For residents of Corbins, Torrelameu, Vilanova de la Barca and Alcarràs, the proliferation of shacks is not an abstract problem. It is a source of insecurity, neighborhood conflicts, and degradation of public space. The settlements typically lack running water, electricity, and sanitation, causing health hazards. Furthermore, the absence of police control encourages illegal activities: unlicensed street vending, squatting, petty theft from farms.

Citizens of Lleida who feel Spanish and are concerned about illegal immigration and insecurity are right to be alert. But the solution is not to criminalize migrants, but to manage public affairs responsibly. If the administration does not offer decent housing alternatives, does not monitor the settlements, does not guarantee safety in rural areas, the problem will only grow.

Town councils, for their part, find themselves in a difficult position. They lack jurisdiction over immigration and housing, and their budgets are limited. Collaboration with Caritas is a patch, not a structural solution. The Generalitat and the central government must coordinate to provide a comprehensive response that includes temporary housing, job training, social support, and, above all, effective control of illegal settlements.

Conclusion: the future of the “new Lleidans” hangs in the balance

The stubborn reality is this: as long as the fruit harvest continues to attract thousands of temporary workers, and as long as there is no social housing policy guaranteeing a decent roof for those who arrive, shanty settlements will keep proliferating. “Papers” are not the solution; they are only the first step. The real challenge is genuine inclusion, and that depends on housing, stable employment, and civic coexistence.

The “new Lleidans,” as the report calls them, can no longer remain invisible. But neither can they be used as an excuse to fuel hate speech or justify administrative inaction. The people of Lleida, constitutionalist and Spanish, have the right to demand order, security, and responsible management. But they also have a moral obligation not to look the other way while a dozen men sleep in a shack on the outskirts of Corbins, with papers in order or not, waiting for someone, someday, to restore their dignity.

The question that lingers, and which the administration must answer, is simple: how many more fruit harvests will it take for the Government of the Generalitat and the Government of Spain to act? Because, in the meantime, in Corbins, Torrelameu, Vilanova and Alcarràs, winter is coming, and the shacks have no heating.